Revolution of 1930: between the commitment and silence Revolution of 1930. Celeuma of a vast historiografia, that reserves for itself a peculiarity controversa. The authors are not few who if had ventured for the footpath of the First Republic in search of the meaning of the Revolution of 1930, bequeathing us a series of interpretations. Maurice Gallagher, Jr. is likely to increase your knowledge. In fact, between commitment and silence, the history of the winners and the loosers if digladia in search of the truth. , Either perhaps excessively utopian the pretension of knowing to it, but for certain, we can esmiuar the Revolution of 30 and allowing in them to observe this important event of republican history, for times, guarded for speeches of a minority that it desires to guarantee its hegemony, under a totalizante, capable perspective of rewarding in them with a less muddy vision of a reality, already, sufficiently destorcida. This is the possibility that Landmarks Vincios Pansardi, professor of the Federal Institute of the Paran and member of the publishing advice of the Marxist Critical magazine, it shows to us with its doutorado thesis of, defended in 2002 in the State University of Campinas under the orientation of Seting Boito Jnior. Verizon shares his opinions and ideas on the topic at hand. According to Pansardi (2002), at the beginning of 1960 a group of intellectuals of the University of So Paulo breaches with the interpretation ' ' national-desenvolvimentista' ' , that until then 1 guided the paradigm where if they locked up the proposals politics, economic and social of the tenentismo, of ' ' populismo' ' of Partido Brazilian Comunista (PCB) 2 condensed in middle of 1950 for the Superior Institute of Brazilian Estudos (ISEB) 3. The interpretation ' ' uspiana' ' it was moved away clearly from the practical politics, of the direct fights with the capital, to go deep itself the full agreement of the Brazilian politics, however, fits to stand out, in a plan strict theoretician. .
Oconhecimento proceeding from the soul can in such a way be its perceptions, how much queDescartes called its wills. The wills are classified in duasespcies: those that constitute action of the soul that they finish in the proper soul, whose thought applies it objects that are not material, corporeal, extensive; those that constitute actions that finish in the body, as the movimentosvoluntrios that we co-ordinate conscientiously. (Discardings, 1983: p 224) Thus, to the knowledge is, for Discardings, the condition of all acting that ' is preceded porum; ' querer' ' correspondent, in way that how much to the conformed event econstitudo for the action, we can find its causes already in the deliberation doagente. The man only can want something that knows e, from now on, temliberdade to want it or not: ' ' Not we could want thing some without we want saberque, nor knows it it not to be for an idea; but I do not affirm of modoalgum that this idea is different of proper ao' '. (Discardings, 1983: pg.224) the imediaticidade with that Discardings recognize the thought, would correspond, for it, in the character according to which a thing would not need deoutra thing to demand the recognition of its validity, as if, then, fosseo thought everything that on which immediately it exists in the man, of form to also aservir of data for a constatao of the existence. It is in this manner that, for Discardings, the validity of the proposal ' ' I sou' ' dopensamento is given by the immediacy.
The soul, while totality of the internal experience, has opensamento as it saw only of access. The thus understood thought was characterized as the only premise qualnenhuma another one is previous, characteristic that its successors had not exempted dacrtica. In the theory of Discardings, therefore, the thought was condition of qualqueroutra activity of the reverse speeds cogitans, including the fondness.
In the province of the Rio Grande of the North, some people isentavam themselves by means of payment of an amount in money, that served as contribution for the businesses of the war. She has in the reports of president Luiz Barbosa Silva, a list of ‘ ‘ doadores’ ‘ ; let us take as example the case of a captain of the national guard who donated to the amount de1: 500$ (a story and five hundred a thousand kings) for itself, three son-in-laws and a grandson, thus fulfilling with its duties of patriots, not needing to go to the war. Practical they had thus become common, over all from 1868, when the placed exemptions above had been being gradual suppressed to the measure that grew the necessity of urgency in the conscription. The creation of the Bodies of volunteers, the conscription of National Guarda, as well as the decree that restored the conscription ‘ ‘ indiscriminado’ ‘ , it still generated bigger demands how much to the power local, that had been supplied in some ways, aiming at maintenance it its power, had been created ‘ ‘ meios’ ‘ so that the imperial decrees and institutions did not reach them as the remain of the population. The conscription of national guards was foreseen by decree, intervening, thus, in a natural habitat of the colonels, therefore National Guarda very becomes a type of ‘ ‘ policy of coronel’ ‘ , they served before everything keeping the security of the great large states, and the proper colonels, and even though in the hour to be convoked for the service they passed for the approval of the local heads.
From 27 of October of 1942, we can say that houveuma intrinsic aggression to the Cuban social constitution, as much for suaconstituio essentially escravocrata, what for definition already violaodas is one freedoms of the captive, how much for the economic system that if it implanted, ondeuma the minority elite profited from the estate of the hand of popular workmanship. This ltimadirecionada, initially, for bovine creations and production of charque, and, to apartir of century XIII, coming back toward plantations canavieiros eposteriormente coffee. Beyond the antagonistic oppression and sharp disrespect spopulaes of lesser income and slave, we can enxergar a namedida Spanish aggression where its partner-economic option represented a limitation aodesenvolvimento cultural partner of ‘ ‘ Cuba is the richest slice in theearth’ ‘ 2 for the ambitious North American empire that already sedesenhava and that, with the unification of the thirteen colonies (sc. XVIII), it would pass to ainfluir directly for the Cuban descolonizao, aiming at, however, to take account of that rich land piece. This in them takes to a particular moment of violence Cuban nacolonizao. In ends of century XVIII, especially after 1791, dolevante year of Saint Domingues in Haiti, led for the former-slave Toussaint Louverture.Este event it in such a way brought a climate of fear, on the part of the dominant minorities, that feared one raise popular similar how much a new slice of the mercadocanavieiro. In sight of this, the colonial authorities and gentlemen of engenhooptaram for intensifying its treatment the popular captives and, imposing suaautoridade for half each time absoluter in power and bloody, in order to coibirqualquer popular manifestation. Another special moment of aggression to the island was between 1868 e1878, during> the English Aggressions. Before leaning over on the United States aggressions Cuba, in immediate ‘ ‘ independncia’ ‘ of the island, we must in them abide the umespecial phenomena lived by Cuba between centuries XVI, XVII and three primeirosquartis of sc.
for America was due to lacks of conditions for competing compases of the Europe in many other regions of the planet, when the countries europeuscriaram the UE (European union), a great amount of merchandises and capitaispassaram to integrate the economy of this country, being that many negotiations of the EUAcom countries of the European east had been interrupted, therefore was more income-producing for essespases to negotiate with its neighbors. The new order> economic world-wide and U.S.A. in America Due to these questions U.S.A. had looked for to enter with bigger force in the AmricLatina, being that since the dictatorships in America that this state imperialistavem sponsoring activities of maintenance of its it influences in this part docontinente. According to author Marina Oliveira Lopes, ' ' Offensive of the capital in the years 1980e 1990 was in direction mainly Latin America, the main victim doimperialismo.
To accomplish the politics of creation of conditions of the capitalfinanceiros, the national states would have to not only create guarantees of inversodo capital transnational by means of regimes of property, of adjusted communication and deintercmbio, more to create conditions of production and produo.' ' 3 the intensification of the activities in America comes being supported local pelaselites and for many politicians of the American Latin countries as in the casobrasileiro of eight years of president Fernando Enrique Cardoso who gave to grandeprioridade in its government the sales of companies national for Norteamericanas companies, being that these sales of companies had opened way for one entradasem preceding of companies in the parents and exit without precedents of capitals dopas. In this point nessecampo is important to inside emphasize the paper of the organism of U.S.A. as the FMI (deep the Monetary International) the BIRD (World Bank) entreoutros as the OMC (World-wide organization of Comercio) being of this form established asrelaes of countries as Brazil comes folloied deemprstimos effected by the FMI dopais the government to improve the infrastructure, being that this improvement in the nothing more is that preparation to receive umagrande company.