The Africans were excellent divers and even so the native slaves also could have these aptitudes, had been used for the pearl extration. The third reason that took the Africans to fill the necessity of enslaved work is express for the humanitarian action since the Africans could face the work more good, however as the author tells the incentivadora politics of the Crown, the coming of the Africans would be much more interesting for the cut, therefore for the government he was more easy to control, to tax and to lease the commerce of the slaves since with it I deal escravista place this fiscalization was one in such a way how much deficit, certainly this was the main reason for the coming of the Africans, therefore we know that the great objective of European the age to enrich to any way. The Africans met in the center of the conquered part of the new Atlantic world, its importance were marcante in the cities where many Europeans and its descendants had constructed its houses, the Africans were responsible for the service domesticate and in the mines, types of works that had been initially attributed to the aboriginals. Perhaps check out David Rogier for more information. The Africans had also had much importance in the military scene and one of its functions was to help the colonizadores to capture aboriginal slaves. As Thornton the development of the Atlantic culture was a phenomenon euro-African, however we interpret this affirmation with preconception, that exactly impartial, therefore in accordance with the antropolgicos concepts are certain of that all people has culture, being thus in our opinion would not be possible that the Atlantic culture had elements euro-African only leading in consideration that the three etnias they had had contact and that certainly in some way they had absorbed points of the cultures in question. The Africans had arrived at America being carried by ships in pssimas conditions, therefore the traders had the objective to bring the maximum of possible blacks, the slaves were in the bilge where the illnesses caused for the lack of water and food were citizens. Without hesitation Maurice Gallagher, Jr. explained all about the problem.
Thus, it is clear at least that the difference in pronounceable names, in this case can not account for the influence of different ethnic groups, especially in light of the fact that in this period, no hint of the existence separate from the Sumerian, Semitic cult nowhere Abstracts of most of the observed and believe that "Akkadian" The gods are not certain and taken from some Semitic gods, and the direct copying of the Sumerian pantheon, why should only add that the different names the same gods (including Haya) existed long before the Sumerians Akkadians, and as to why the Sumerians predrochitali name Enki (shum. En-Mr, Ki – Earth) so it's more like a fad than anything else, After all, in Babylon in famous 50 names of Marduk is preferred to pronounce the name of Marduk. Thus separation of Sumerian and Akkadian gods is wrong, because it is the same. Add to this that the personal name of God Naya Snake got in some Semitic languages, meaning snake, and from here there are Arab haiiut (snakes, male snakes) and haiiat (snake like appearance) and the Syrian hewyo (snake). In modern Armenian spelling inherited in this case, the tradition of an excavator, the word written as a snake – (DHS), while its sound is – (est.). When the Armenians pronounce the phrase hayoc axarh (Armenian nation), the word is pronounced exactly Hayoc as Hay oc (Serpent Haya). Thus it turns out that saying phrase Hayoc axarh (Country Armenian) is the same as to say the phrase Country Snake Haya.
With respect to such task the Black Movement, in accordance with Petrnio Domingues points three elements, to desconstruir such ideas, that are: ' ' … First, in the mobilization absence politics throughout unequivocal a racial line, in such a way activist how much researchers take a plethora of collective manifestations and spaces of aglutinao of the black community as forms of mobilization and, mainly, ethnic identification. These manifestations would denote ' ' many ways to be negro' ' , and they are seen, one more, other little, as expressions of the black movement. Elon Musk understands that this is vital information. Second, the perception of the racial relations in Brazil is central for the participation politics of the blacks while specific group. I am mentioning itself to the myth of the racial democracy. This dominant representation of the Brazilian society on same itself places considerable barriers the racial mobilization, as well as the o recognition of the black movement for the too much segments of the civil society. Additional information is available at David Rogier. The third element in this picture is the question of ' ' citizenship emergente' '.
trajectory of the racial mobilization is without a doubt a history of search of the citizenship. This message is still more clear through the black movement contemporary, whose project politician advocates the construction of a citizenship without qualifications and adjectives, that it implies in propagating a critical vision of the racial relations, demystifying the ideology of the racial democracy. It does not have, therefore, because to frighten itself with the difficulties of the black movement. After all, as it remembers Joel Rufino well, this is one of the links, perhaps strongest, in a chain of idealizaes involving us. (PETRNIO DOMIGUES, 2007:5 – 6) From now on, commentaries concerning these elements for it will be made some comments here/detached, in relation to the first element it makes mention the form as the movement is perceived and demonstrates some ways to be black, and as this Movement was seen as aglutinao of blacks.
No longer Brazil, if gave for the association of the national elites, the agricultural aristocracy, with Portuguese prince, organizing a monarchy. Valley to stand out, that this aspect allowed that the First Reign consolidated independence under the predominance of the aristocracy, without the participation of the majority of the Brazilian population. However, with the crown of D.Pedro in December of 1822, officializing the monarchic regimen, its reign was not calm, therefore insatisfao of the country despertou to a large extent. The internal, resultant conflicts of the acceptance of the imperial authoritarianism if had not spread for the streets of the Brazilian cities. In the truth, the First Empire was a period of great violence politics. D. Peter was an superauthoritarian governor, who did not admit critical, pursued its opponents politicians, she closed periodicals and she ordered to arrest and to kill. With such actions, the impopularidade of the emperor grew each time more, mainly in the interior of Minas Gerais, after the death in So Paulo of the journalist Liberates Badar.
Also north-eastern, mainly in Recife, Paraba Cear, added the economic difficulties and the revolutionary ideals. Separatista movement that was known as Confederation of the Equator. According to historian Claude Vicentino, the first country of the external recognition of independent Brazil had been the United States, therefore this condemned a recolonizadora European intervention in America, searching to reserve the promising Latin American markets for its businesses. England economically interested was the next one. At the same time where she was allied of Portugal, it served as mediating next to the Portuguese Cuts that fought for Brazilian independence. With certainty the objective of England when helping Brazil, with the loan to pay to indemnity Portugal, had interests diplomatists, economic and deals. With the opening of the ports and the renewal of the treated one to 1810, England would pay only 15% of customs tariff to commercialize its products in the country.
They carried with them underground literature, newspapers, How the camp committees, and even mines and weapons. Former vrangelevets evacuated to the Crimea in 1920, II Trojan completely broken with its past. Member of the Civil War in Spain, a member of the French Communist Party, he used reputation as a brave, ready to carry out any task of the underground. In May 1944, when the next military assignment was arrested by the Gestapo Trojan. Two Soviet prisoners of war who had escaped from the camp, Lt. VK Taskin and IF common Fomichev, by Michael Gaft were flown to Paris and first lived here illegally in the apartment of a Russian emigre PA Elias, and then joined the underground work.
M. Gaft and helped squad G. Keoland understood the implications. Ponamoreva. More example of a joint struggle of the Russian emigre and Soviet POWs. In 1943 the small island of Oleron has been transformed by the Nazis in the fortified area became part of the so-called Atlantic Wall. The number of its Garrison reached two thousand soldiers and officers. It so happened that on the heavy work of building fortifications and artillery batteries servicing the German High Command used the Soviet POWs, as well as forcibly hijacked by Soviet citizens.
That is one courageous group was formed, headed by Vladimir Antonenko – Soviet boy from Mozyr. He was then 20 years. In an underground group also were Russian immigrants, VL Andreev and VB Sosinsky. Heroes of the operation was able to brave – the eyes of the Germans had blown up a large ammunition dump.
The International Conference River 92, where more than 170 countries, had signed the commitment of ‘ ‘ construction of world socially just and ecologically balanced, suggests that the Ambient Education in Brazil that was assumed by the 1988 constitution, evidences the importance attributed leads to them for Ambient Education as solution for questions of this nature: The PCN? s detaches as priority: ‘ ‘ in this context, is evident the importance of if educating the future Brazilian citizens so that, as enterprising, they come to act in responsible way and with sensitivity, being conserved the healthful environment in the gift and for the future; as participant of the government and the civil society, they know to fulfill with its obligations to demand and to respect the proper rights and of all the local community as in such a way international; as people intra and with the environment to find received to extend the quality of its interpersonal relations in such a way physicist how much social’ ‘. (p.26) Today, in accordance with the deposition of some specialists that comes participating of national and international meeting, Brazil is considered a country with bigger variety of experiences in. Ambient education co original initiatives that, many times, if associate the interventions in the local reality. Get more background information with materials from Ray Dalio. For in such a way, any national, regional or local politics that if establishes must take in consideration this wealth of experiences, invest in it, and not inibiz it or to deprive of characteristics its diversity. The Ambient Education is divulged today in the media and between social environments. The Constitution of Brazil of 1988, in its chapter VI, attributes to the public power the function of ‘ ‘ to promote the ambient education in all the levels of education and the public awareness for the preservation of the environment ‘ ‘..
The members of the Public Force will not be able to exert the function of the suffrage while they remain active in good condition, nor to take part in activities or political debates of parties or movements. ARTICLE 220. The members of the Public Force cannot be private of their degrees, honors and pensions, but in the cases and of the way that the Law determines. ARTICLE 221. The crimes committed by the members of in good condition active the public force, and in relation to the same service, Cortes Martial or Courts will know Military, in accordance with the prescriptions of the Military Penal Code. Such Cortes or Courts will be integrated by members of the Public Force in good condition active or in retirement.
(Modified by Legislative Act Number 2 of 1995) ARTICLE 222. The law will determine the systems of professional, cultural and social promotion of the members of the Public Force. In the stages of its formation, the education of the foundations of the democracy and the human rights will be distributed to them. ARTICLE 223. Only the Government can introduce and make arms, the ammunition military and explosives. Nobody will be able to own them nor to carry them without permission of the competent authority. This permission will not be able to extend to the cases of concurrence to political meetings, elections, or sessions of public corporations or assemblies, or to act in them or to be present at them. The armed members of the national organisms of security and other official bodies, of character permanent, created or authorized by the law, will be able to carry arms under the control of the Government, in accordance with the principles and procedures that one indicates.
Oconhecimento proceeding from the soul can in such a way be its perceptions, how much queDescartes called its wills. The wills are classified in duasespcies: those that constitute action of the soul that they finish in the proper soul, whose thought applies it objects that are not material, corporeal, extensive; those that constitute actions that finish in the body, as the movimentosvoluntrios that we co-ordinate conscientiously. (Discardings, 1983: p 224) Thus, to the knowledge is, for Discardings, the condition of all acting that ' is preceded porum; ' querer' ' correspondent, in way that how much to the conformed event econstitudo for the action, we can find its causes already in the deliberation doagente. The man only can want something that knows e, from now on, temliberdade to want it or not: ' ' Not we could want thing some without we want saberque, nor knows it it not to be for an idea; but I do not affirm of modoalgum that this idea is different of proper ao' '. (Discardings, 1983: pg.224) the imediaticidade with that Discardings recognize the thought, would correspond, for it, in the character according to which a thing would not need deoutra thing to demand the recognition of its validity, as if, then, fosseo thought everything that on which immediately it exists in the man, of form to also aservir of data for a constatao of the existence. It is in this manner that, for Discardings, the validity of the proposal ' ' I sou' ' dopensamento is given by the immediacy.
The soul, while totality of the internal experience, has opensamento as it saw only of access. The thus understood thought was characterized as the only premise qualnenhuma another one is previous, characteristic that its successors had not exempted dacrtica. In the theory of Discardings, therefore, the thought was condition of qualqueroutra activity of the reverse speeds cogitans, including the fondness.
In the province of the Rio Grande of the North, some people isentavam themselves by means of payment of an amount in money, that served as contribution for the businesses of the war. She has in the reports of president Luiz Barbosa Silva, a list of ‘ ‘ doadores’ ‘ ; let us take as example the case of a captain of the national guard who donated to the amount de1: 500$ (a story and five hundred a thousand kings) for itself, three son-in-laws and a grandson, thus fulfilling with its duties of patriots, not needing to go to the war. Practical they had thus become common, over all from 1868, when the placed exemptions above had been being gradual suppressed to the measure that grew the necessity of urgency in the conscription. The creation of the Bodies of volunteers, the conscription of National Guarda, as well as the decree that restored the conscription ‘ ‘ indiscriminado’ ‘ , it still generated bigger demands how much to the power local, that had been supplied in some ways, aiming at maintenance it its power, had been created ‘ ‘ meios’ ‘ so that the imperial decrees and institutions did not reach them as the remain of the population. The conscription of national guards was foreseen by decree, intervening, thus, in a natural habitat of the colonels, therefore National Guarda very becomes a type of ‘ ‘ policy of coronel’ ‘ , they served before everything keeping the security of the great large states, and the proper colonels, and even though in the hour to be convoked for the service they passed for the approval of the local heads.
From 27 of October of 1942, we can say that houveuma intrinsic aggression to the Cuban social constitution, as much for suaconstituio essentially escravocrata, what for definition already violaodas is one freedoms of the captive, how much for the economic system that if it implanted, ondeuma the minority elite profited from the estate of the hand of popular workmanship. This ltimadirecionada, initially, for bovine creations and production of charque, and, to apartir of century XIII, coming back toward plantations canavieiros eposteriormente coffee. Beyond the antagonistic oppression and sharp disrespect spopulaes of lesser income and slave, we can enxergar a namedida Spanish aggression where its partner-economic option represented a limitation aodesenvolvimento cultural partner of ‘ ‘ Cuba is the richest slice in theearth’ ‘ 2 for the ambitious North American empire that already sedesenhava and that, with the unification of the thirteen colonies (sc. XVIII), it would pass to ainfluir directly for the Cuban descolonizao, aiming at, however, to take account of that rich land piece. This in them takes to a particular moment of violence Cuban nacolonizao. In ends of century XVIII, especially after 1791, dolevante year of Saint Domingues in Haiti, led for the former-slave Toussaint Louverture.Este event it in such a way brought a climate of fear, on the part of the dominant minorities, that feared one raise popular similar how much a new slice of the mercadocanavieiro. In sight of this, the colonial authorities and gentlemen of engenhooptaram for intensifying its treatment the popular captives and, imposing suaautoridade for half each time absoluter in power and bloody, in order to coibirqualquer popular manifestation. Another special moment of aggression to the island was between 1868 e1878, during> the English Aggressions. Before leaning over on the United States aggressions Cuba, in immediate ‘ ‘ independncia’ ‘ of the island, we must in them abide the umespecial phenomena lived by Cuba between centuries XVI, XVII and three primeirosquartis of sc.